American Trucking Associations, Inc. v. Alviti

D.R.I.10/23/2020
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT                            
           FOR THE DISTRICT OF RHODE ISLAND                          
____________________________________                                      
                               )                                     
AMERICAN TRUCKING ASSOCIATIONS,     )                                     
INC.; CUMBERLAND FARMS, INC.;       )                                     
M&M TRANSPORT SERVICES, INC.; and   )                                     
NEW ENGLAND MOTOR FREIGHT, INC.,    )                                     
                               )                                     
Plaintiffs,                    )                                     
                               )                                     
     v.                        )   C.A. No. 18-378-WES               
                               )                                     
PETER ALVITI, JR., in his official  )                                     
capacity as Director of the Rhode   )                                     
Island Department of Transportation;)                                     
and RHODE ISLAND TURNPIKE AND       )                                     
BRIDGE AUTHORITY,                   )                                     
                               )                                     
Defendants.                    )                                     
____________________________________)                                     

                   OPINION AND ORDER                                 
WILLIAM E. SMITH, District Judge.                                         
Before the Court are Motions to Quash Subpoenas Duces Tecum          
and Subpoenas for Deposition Testimony, ECF Nos. 85, 87, and 89,          
filed by three non-parties, Governor Gina M. Raimondo, Speaker            
Nicholas Mattiello, and Representative Stephen R. Ucci, as well as        
Defendants’ Motion to Quash Subpoena Duces Tecum and Subpoena for         
Deposition Testimony from CDM Smith, Inc., ECF No. 120.  For the          
reasons explained herein, the Motions are DENIED.                         
I.   Background1                                                          
In 2016, the Rhode Island General Assembly passed “The Rhode         
Island Bridge Replacement, Reconstruction, and Maintenance Fund           

Act of 2016”, R.I. Gen. Laws § 42-13.1-1 et seq. (“RhodeWorks”).          
This statutory scheme permits tolling of certain “large commercial        
trucks only,” limiting the daily maximum toll charge per individual       
truck to forty dollars ($40.00) and the maximum toll for a single         
“border-to-border  through  trip  on  Route  95”  to  twenty  dollars     
($20.00).  R.I. Gen. Laws § 42-13.1-4(c)-(d).  Additionally, an           
individual truck is subject to only one toll “per toll facility,          
per  day  in  each  direction,  or  an  equivalent  frequency  use        
program[.]”  Id. § 42-13.1-4(b).                                          
Shortly after tolling under RhodeWorks began in June 2018,           
Plaintiffs, various trucking and transport companies, brought suit        
alleging that RhodeWorks violates the Commerce Clause of the United       

States Constitution because it discriminates against interstate           
commerce and out-of-state truckers in both intent and effect; the         
tolls do not reflect a fair approximation of the use of the tolled        
facility; and the tolls are excessive in relation to the benefits         
conferred.  Compl. ¶¶ 1, 3-10, ECF No. 1.  Plaintiffs’ allegation         
of discriminatory intent relied in part on a study commissioned by        


1 The facts and procedural history of this case are covered          
in greater detail in the Court’s September 10, 2020 Memorandum and        
Order, ECF No. 105.                                                       
the  Rhode  Island  Department  of  Transportation  (“RIDOT”)  and        
completed by CDM Smith, Inc. (“CDM Smith”) prior to the enactment         
of RhodeWorks:                                                            

[The  study]  found  that,  absent  the  toll  caps  for             
multiple  trips  in  Rhode  Island,  trucks  with  Rhode             
Island-issued  license  plates  would  pay  approximately            
45% of the RhodeWorks tolls, while trucks with out-of-               
state license plates would pay approximately 55%.  But               
“after adjusting for the multi-trip discounts, about 60              
percent of truck tolls would be charged to out of state              
trucks, while about 40 percent would be [charged to]                 
Rhode Island [trucks].”                                              

Compl. ¶ 85 (quoting CDM Smith, Truck Traffic Count Summary Report        
1-4 (Oct. 2015)).  Plaintiffs also pointed to statements attributed       
to the Governor, Speaker, and Representative prior to the passage         
of RhodeWorks.  For example, Governor Raimondo reportedly said,           
“The reason I prefer the tolling proposal is because the majority         
of  the  burden  is  on  out-of-state  truckers  and  out-of-state        
companies who are using — and I would say abusing — our roads.”           
Compl. ¶ 80 (quoting Patrick Anderson & Katherine Gregg, Raimondo:        
Plan shifts burden off R.I., Providence Journal (Oct. 29, 2015)).         
Likewise, Speaker Mattiello is quoted as stating that “a lot of           
the  burden  for  the  repair  of  our  bridges,  overpasses  and         
infrastructure is passed on to out-of-state truckers” and that            
“[a] lot of the cost gets shifted to out-of-state truckers[.]”            
Compl. ¶ 80 (quoting Mary MacDonald, Improved business climate            
positions  R.I.  for  growth,  Providence  Business  News  (Dec.  23,     
2015)).  A similar statement is attributed to Representative Ucci:        
“The tolling relies on 60 percent revenue from out of state trucks        
who would have never paid to come through this state.”  Compl.            
¶ 87  (quoting  Patrick  Anderson,  R.I.  House  passes  Raimondo’s       

truck-toll plan, The Providence Journal (Feb. 11, 2016)).                 
In the first go-around, the Court dismissed the case for lack        
of  jurisdiction,   but  the  case   returned  after   Plaintiffs         
successfully appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for           
the First Circuit.  See Mandate, ECF No. 37; Mar. 19, 2019 Opinion        
and Order, ECF No. 33.  The Court subsequently denied Defendants’         
Motion for Judgment on the Pleadings, as well as Plaintiffs’ Motion       
for a Preliminary Injunction.  See July 20, 2020 Order, ECF No.           
72; Sept. 10, 2020 Mem. and Order, ECF No. 105.                           
In July 2020, Plaintiffs issued subpoenas seeking deposition         
testimony  from   Governor  Raimondo,   Speaker  Mattiello,   and         
Representative  Ucci,  as  well  as  subpoenas  duces  tecum  seeking     

(a) documents  or  communications  regarding  efforts  to  mitigate       
economic impact on Rhode Island citizens; (b) documents regarding         
the expected or actual impact of the toll caps on in-state vs.            
out-of-state  truckers;  (c) documents  regarding  the  expected  or      
actual impact of tolling only certain classes of trucks on in-            
state  vs.  out-of-state  truckers;  (d) documents  regarding  the        
potential impact on interstate commerce; (e) documents regarding          
alternative methods for raising funds; (f) drafts of RhodeWorks           
and  related,  failed  bills,  including  mark-ups,  comments,  red-      
lines, revisions, etc.; (g) communications between the Governor           
and legislators regarding RhodeWorks or other methods of raising          
funds; and (h) documents regarding the public statements made by          

the movants and others.  See Governor Raimondo’s Mot. to Quash            
(“Gov.’s Mot.”), Ex. B, ECF No. 85; Speaker Mattiello’s Mot. to           
Quash (“Spkr.’s Mot.”), Ex. B, ECF No. 87; Representative Ucci’s          
Mot. to Quash (“Rep.’s Mot.”), Ex. B, ECF No. 89; ECF Nos. 75, 76,        
77, 78, 80, 81.2  The three non-parties, represented by Defendants’       
counsel, each filed a Motion to Quash the subpoenas.  Following           
extensive briefing, the Court held a hearing on September 25, 2020.       
Shortly before the hearing, Plaintiffs issued subpoenas to           
CDM Smith seeking deposition testimony and documents regarding the        
contractual relationship between the Rhode Island Department of           
Transportation  (“RIDOT”)  and  CDM  Smith,  the  data  and  analysis     
collected and produced by CDM Smith, and communications with CDM          

Smith.  See CDM Smith Mot. to Quash (“CDM Mot.”), Exs. A, B, ECF          
No. 120.  While the three initial Motions to Quash were under             
advisement,  Defendants  filed  a  Motion  to  Quash  the  CDM  Smith     
subpoenas “[f]or the same reasons articulated” in the motions of          
the Governor, Speaker, and Representative.  CDM Mot. 6.  The Court        
now addresses the four Motions to Quash.                                  


2 For the sake of brevity, the minor differences between the         
three subpoenas duces tecum are not explained here.                       
II.  Discussion                                                           
A party may serve a subpoena to obtain documents or deposition       
testimony.  See Fed. R. Civ. P. 45(a)(1).  Upon the timely motion         

of the recipient of a subpoena, the Court must quash any subpoena         
that “requires disclosure of privileged or other protected matter”        
or that “subjects a person to undue burden.”  Fed. R. Civ. P.             
45(d)(3)(A).3                                                             
The Governor, Speaker, and Representative argue that their           
subpoenas should be quashed based on legislative privilege and            
undue burden.  See Gov.’s Mot. 3, 38-39; Spkr.’s Mot. 3, 32-33;           
Rep.’s Mot. 3, 32-33.  Additionally, the Governor argues that she         
is protected by the deliberative process privilege.  See Gov.’s           
Mot. 5-8.  Lastly, Defendants contend that the CDM Smith subpoenas        
should be quashed based on legislative privilege and deliberative         
process privilege.  See CDM Mot. 5.  For the following reasons,           

the Court concludes that the interests at play require breaching          



3  A  subpoena  recipient  asserting  a  privilege   “must[]         
(i) expressly make the claim; and (ii) describe the nature of the         
withheld documents . . . in a manner that . . . will enable the           
parties to assess the claim.”  Fed. R. Civ. P. 45(e)(2)(A).  Here,        
the State argues that any responsive documents would be covered by        
privilege.  The State therefore does not provide any description          
of relevant documents in its possession; nor does it even state           
whether any such documents exist.  As discussed, infra Section            
II(A)(2)(a), the Court agrees that any responsive documents would         
fall within the ambit of the asserted privileges, so a privilege          
log is unnecessary.                                                       
the privileges, and that compliance with the subpoenas would not          
be unduly burdensome.                                                     
A.   Legislative Privilege                                           

Federal legislative privilege for state legislators derives          
from the Speech and Debate Clause of the U.S. Constitution, which         
provides absolute immunity in civil and criminal cases for members        
of Congress.  Nat’l Ass’n of Soc. Workers v. Harwood,
69 F.3d 622,        
630
(1st Cir. 1995).4  This immunity protects legislators from            
liability  for  “speech  and  debate  [in  the  halls  of  Congress,]     
voting,  . . .  circulation  of  information  to  other  legislators,     
. . . participation in the work of legislative committees, . . .          
and a host of kindred activities.”
Id.
(citations omitted).  To          
safeguard this absolute immunity, the clause also entails absolute        
evidentiary and testimonial privileges.  See In re Grand Jury,
821        
F.2d 946, 953
(3d Cir. 1987).                                             

By its terms, the Speech and Debate Clause does not apply to         
state legislators.  See U.S. Const. art. I, § 6, cl. 1.  The              
Supreme Court, however, has determined that the basic protections         
embodied in the Clause, which have “taproots in the Parliamentary         
struggles of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” are part of        


4  Because  Plaintiffs’  claims  are  based  on  federal  law,       
privilege protections contained within state law are inapposite.          
See In re Admin. Subpoena Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts,        
Inc.,
400 F. Supp. 2d 386, 389
(D. Mass. 2005) (citing Fed. R.            
Evid. 501).                                                               
federal common law.  Tenney v. Brandhove,
341 U.S. 367
, 372–75            
(1951).  In civil cases – but not criminal cases – this immunity          
is absolute.  See Acevedo-Cordero v. Cordero-Santiago,
958 F.2d           

20, 22
(1st Cir. 1992).  Here, the movants    were not named as           
defendants, so the question is not one of immunity; rather, at            
issue is immunity’s close cousin, privilege.                              
The  Supreme  Court  first  addressed  the  topic  of  state         
legislative privilege in United States v. Gillock,
445 U.S. 360
(1980).  There, a state legislator had been charged with crimes           
based on non-legislative activities, so immunity was not relevant.
Id. at 362
.  But the government sought to introduce evidence of           
his  legislative  activities,  squarely  raising  the  issue  of          
privilege.
Id.
Examining the two underpinnings of the Speech and        
Debate Clause, the Court determined that the first rationale –            
separation of powers – was inapplicable because of the federal            

government’s supremacy over the states.  See
id. at 369-71
.  The          
Court concluded, however, that the second rationale – avoiding            
interference with the legislative process – did apply.  See
id. at        
371-73
.  The Court thus held that a state legislative privilege           
exists, at least in some circumstances, but that “where important         
federal interests are at stake, as in the enforcement of federal          
criminal statutes, comity yields.”
Id. at 373
.                           
     1.   Absolute vs. Qualified                                     
Since Gillock, the Supreme Court has offered scant guidance          
as  to  the  contours  of  the  state  legislative  privilege.    See     

Corporacion Insular de Seguros v. Garcia,
709 F. Supp. 288, 294
(D.P.R. 1989) (citing Hutchinson v. Proxmire,
443 U.S. 111, 124
(1979)).  Lower courts have generally followed one of two paths.          
The first, advocated here by the State, maintains that, apart from        
certain  discrete  categories  of  cases,  legislative  privilege  is     
absolute.    See  Gov.’s  Mot.  13.    The  second  path,  endorsed  by   
Plaintiffs, interprets Gillock and related cases to signify that          
state legislative privilege is inherently qualified and requires          
a case-specific balancing of interests.  See Pls.’ Opp’n 3-9, ECF         
No. 103.  For the following reasons, the Court concludes that a           
qualified privilege finds better support in the case law.                 
Legislative immunity for federal legislators, along with the         

corresponding privilege protection, is absolute.  See In re Grand         
Jury,
821 F.2d at 953
.  As for its state counterpart, the Supreme         
Court has stated that state legislative immunity “is similar in           
origin and rationale to that accorded Congressmen under the Speech        
or Debate Clause.”  Supreme Court of Virginia v. Consumers Union          
of U. S., Inc.,
446 U.S. 719, 732
(1980); see Harwood,
69 F.3d at         
629
(state legislative immunity is “essentially coterminous” with         
absolute  immunity  for  members  of  Congress).    Because  state        
legislative   immunity  bears   close  resemblance   to   federal         
legislative immunity, and because privilege derives from immunity,        
some courts reason that state legislative privilege must also be          
absolute, at least in most types of cases.  See Greater Birmingham        

Ministries v. Merrill, No. 2:15-cv-02193-LSC, slip op. at 16 (N.D.        
Ala. Mar. 13, 2017).5                                                     
But this line of reasoning can only be stretched so far.             
Lacking the constitutional backing of the Speech and Debate Clause,       
the common law privilege for state legislators is undeniably weaker       
than  that  given  to  federal  lawmakers.    See  United  States  v.     
DiCarlo,
565 F.2d 802
, 806 n.5 (1st Cir. 1977) (state legislative         
privilege  is  not  “on  a  full  parity  with  that  of  Congress”);     
Corporacion Insular de Seguros,
709 F. Supp. at 294
(citations            
omitted) (Gillock “signifies a retreat from the original concern          
for   the    independence   of   state   legislators    expressed         
in Tenney[], and reinforces the conservative stance of the Court          

regarding  privileges  in   general.”).    Courts  adopting  the          
absolutist approach must somehow account for the fact that state          
legislative  privilege,  unlike  federal  privilege,  yields  “where      

5 See also Clayland Farm Enterprises, LLC v. Talbot Cty.,            
Maryland, No. CV GLR-14-03412,
2018 WL 4700191
, at *2 (D. Md. Oct.        
1, 2018); Pulte Home Corp. v. Montgomery Cty., Maryland, No. GJH-         
14-3955,
2017 WL 2361167
, at *3 (D. Md. May 31, 2017); Lee v.             
Virginia State Bd. of Elections, No. 3:15CV357 (HEH-RCY),
2015 WL         
9461505
, at *6 n.9 (E.D. Va. Dec. 23, 2015); Miles–Un–Ltd., Inc.          
v. Town of New Shoreham, R.I.,
917 F. Supp. 91, 98
(D.N.H. 1996);         
2BD Associates Ltd. Partnership v. County Com’rs for Queen Anne’s         
County,
896 F. Supp. 528, 531
(D. Md. 1995); Small v. Hunt,
152           
F.R.D. 509
, 512–13 (E.D.N.C. 1994).                                       
important federal interests are at stake.”  Gillock,
445 U.S. at          
373
.                                                                      
Two  categories  of  cases  are  commonly  exempted  from  a         

purportedly absolute privilege.  First, state legislators charged         
with crimes are given no privilege, absolute or otherwise.  See           
Corporacion Insular de Seguros,
709 F. Supp. at 294
(citing In re         
Grand Jury,
821 F.2d 946
).  In addition, it is widely accepted            
that the shield of privilege can sometimes be pierced in cases            
involving voter redistricting.  See, e.g., Marylanders for Fair           
Representation,  Inc.  v.  Schaefer,
144  F.R.D.  292,  304
(D.  Md.    
1992).  Courts adopting an absolutist approach have reasoned that         
such cases represent the only exceptions to absolute privilege            
because they are the only circumstances in which the political            
process is insufficient to rectify legislative malfeasance.  See          
Pulte Home Corp. v. Montgomery Cty., Maryland, No. GJH-14-3955,
2017 WL 2361167
, at *6 n.11 (D. Md. May 31, 2017).  In all other          
cases, these courts have concluded, the privilege is absolute, and        
no inquiry can be made.  See
id.
In this vein, the State relies heavily on two cases, one from        
this Court and one from the District of New Hampshire.  See Gov.’s        
Mot. 16-18.  Neither is convincing.  The first case is largely            
inapposite  because  it  dealt  exclusively  with  questions  of          
immunity, not privilege.  See Healey v. Bendick,
628 F. Supp. 681,        
697-99
(D.R.I. 1986).                                                     
The second case, Miles-Un-Ltd., Inc. v. Town of New Shoreham,        
R.I.,
917 F. Supp. 91
(D.N.H. 1996), dealt with privilege, but the        
court’s  discussion  inexplicably  focused  on  the  question  of         

immunity.    See
id.  at  98
.    The  court  identified  a  tightly      
circumscribed range of legislative actions for which legislative          
immunity can be breached:  those taken “in bad faith, because of          
corruption, or primarily in furtherance of personal instead of            
public interests.”
Id. at 100
(emphasis in original) (quoting            
Haskell v. Washington Tp.,
864 F.2d 1266
, 1278 (6th Cir. 1988)            
(discussing immunity, not privilege)).  To make relevant this broad       
definition of immunity – in a decision about privilege – the court        
had to treat immunity and privilege as equivalent.  See Miles-Un-         
Ltd.,
917 F. Supp. at 98
(“rationale for affording state, regional,       
and local legislators a testimonial privilege is as compelling as         
the rationale for providing immunity from civil liability.”).             

But this equivalence is false.  “The Supreme Court has . . .         
rejected  the  notion  that  the  common  law  immunity  of  state        
legislators  gives  rise  to  a  general  evidentiary  privilege.”        
McDonough  v.  City  of  Portland,  No.  2:15-CV-153-JDL,
2015  WL       
12683663
, at *2 (D. Me. Dec. 31, 2015) (citation omitted).  See           
Favors v. Cuomo,
285 F.R.D. 187, 209
(E.D.N.Y. 2012); Rodriguez v.        
Pataki,
280 F. Supp. 2d 89
, 95–96 (S.D.N.Y. 2003), aff’d,
293 F.          
Supp. 2d 302
(S.D.N.Y. 2003).  Thus, the reasoning in Miles-Un-           
Ltd. is unconvincing.6                                                    
Moreover,  the  quasi-absolutist  approach  has   undeniable         

weaknesses.  First, it is rather strange to say the privilege is          
absolute except for situations where federal interests control.           
By definition, that is a qualified privilege.  Second, the quasi-         
absolutist approach purports to draw a bright line circumscribing         
cases which entail a qualified privilege, but no such rule is             
delineated in Supreme Court or First Circuit precedent.  Rather,          
the guiding principle is that “the public . . . has a right to            
every man’s evidence.”  Trammel v. United States,
445 U.S. 40, 50
(1980) (quotations and citation omitted).  Thus, the Supreme Court        
has  warned  that  testimonial  and  evidentiary  privileges  should      
apply “only to the very limited extent that permitting a refusal          
to  testify  or  excluding  relevant  evidence  has  a  public  good      

transcending the normally predominant principle of utilizing all          
rational  means  for  ascertaining  truth.”
Id.
(quotations  and      

6 The State argues that Miles-Un-Ltd. is particularly on point       
because it involves the dormant Commerce Clause.  See Gov.’s Mot.         
16-18.  However, as Plaintiffs point out, the opinion does not            
make clear whether the testimony was sought to support the dormant        
Commerce Clause or another cause of action.  See Pls.’ Opp’n. 8,          
ECF  No.  103  (citing  Miles-Un-Ltd.,
917  F.  Supp.   at 101
).         
Additionally, the court noted that while “[m]ere speculation [of]         
improper motives” will not suffice, immunity can be breached where        
“infringement of the immunity rises to a level of public need,”           
suggesting  a  qualified  immunity  (and  therefore  privilege)  in       
approach, if not by name.  Miles-Un-Ltd.,
917 F. Supp. at 100
(citations omitted).                                                      
citation  omitted).    To  this  end,  the  Federal  Rules  of  Civil     
Procedure  were  designed  to  “provide  the  courts  with  .  .  .       
flexibility in developing rules of privilege on a case-by-case            

basis.”    Gillock,
445  U.S.  at  367
;  see  also  United  States  v.   
Pineda-Mateo,
905  F.3d  13,  21
(1st  Cir.  2018)  (quotations  and    
citation omitted) (“privilege should only apply in a particular           
case if it promotes sufficiently important interests”).  A blanket        
rule in favor of privilege would contravene the preference for a          
case-by-case development.                                                 
Heeding these warnings, most courts to address the issue have        
determined that the privilege is qualified in all cases, requiring        
a  “balancing  of  the  legitimate  interests  on  both  sides.”7         


7 See, e.g., Jefferson Cmty. Health Care Centers, Inc. v.            
Jefferson Par. Gov’t,
849 F.3d 615, 624
(5th Cir. 2017) (citation         
and quotation omitted) (“While the common-law legislative immunity        
for state legislators is absolute, the legislative privilege for          
state lawmakers is, at best, one which is qualified.”); In re Grand       
Jury,
821 F.2d 946, 957
(3d Cir. 1987); Plain Local Sch. Dist. Bd.        
of Educ. v. DeWine, No. 2:19-CV-5086,
2020 WL 4679015
, at *3 n.6          
(S.D. Ohio June 2, 2020); Michigan State A. Philip Randolph Inst.         
v. Johnson, No. 16-CV-11844,
2018 WL 1465767
, at *4 (E.D. Mich.           
Jan. 4, 2018); Citizens Union of City of New York v. Attorney Gen.        
of  New  York,
269  F.  Supp.  3d  124,  154-55
(S.D.N.Y.  2017);  N.   
Carolina State Conference of the NAACP v. McCrory, No. 1:13CV658,
2014 WL 12526799
, at *2 (M.D.N.C. Nov. 20, 2014); Perez v. Perry,         
No. SA-11–CA–360,
2014 WL 106927
, at *2 (W.D. Tex. Jan. 8, 2014);         
Favors v. Cuomo,
285 F.R.D. 187, 211
(E.D.N.Y. 2012); Florida v.          
United States,
886 F. Supp. 2d 1301
, 1303–04 (N.D. Fla. 2012)             
(“legislator’s privilege is qualified, not absolute”); Texas v.           
Holder, No. CV12128DSTRMCRLW,
2012 WL 13070060
, at *1 (D.D.C. June        
5, 2012); Doe v. Nebraska,
788 F. Supp. 2d 975, 985
(D. Neb. 2011);       
Hobart v. City of Stafford,
784 F. Supp. 2d 732
, 764–65 (S.D. Tex.        
2011);  Comm.  for  a  Fair  &  Balanced  Map  v.  Ill.  State  Bd.  of   
Elections, No. 11 C 5065,
2011 WL 4837508
, at *7 (N.D. Ill., Oct.         
McDonough, No. 2:15-CV-153-JDL,
2015 WL 12683663
, at *2 (citation         
omitted).  Contrary to the assertions of the State, these inquiries       
are  regularly   conducted  in  cases   not  involving   criminal         

prosecutions or voter redistricting.  See Plain Local Sch. Dist.          
Bd. of Educ. v. DeWine, No. 2:19-CV-5086,
2020 WL 4679015
, at *3          
n.6 (S.D. Ohio June 2, 2020) (“courts have routinely found the            
privilege  to  be  a  qualified  one  —  regardless  of  the  claim       
brought”);  see,  e.g.,  Citizens  Union  of  City  of  New  York  v.     
Attorney Gen. of New York,
269 F. Supp. 3d 124, 139
(S.D.N.Y. 2017)       
(challenging statute on First Amendment grounds).  Furthermore, a         
qualified privilege does not equal a feeble one; rather, courts           
adhere to the warning that the privilege may be breached only in          
“extraordinary instances . . . .”  Rodriguez, 280 F. Supp. 2d at          
95–96 (quoting Village of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous. Dev.          
Corp.,
429 U.S. 252, 268
(1977)).                                         

In light of the Supreme Court’s preference for case-by-case          
development  of  privilege  law  and  the  clear  trend  among  lower     
courts,  it  is  evident  that  “the  cases  applying  a  qualified       


12, 2011); ACORN (N.Y. Ass’n of Comty. Orgs. for Reform Now) v.           
County of Nassau, No. CV 05-2301(JFB)(WDW),
2007 WL 2815810
, at *2        
(E.D.N.Y. Sept. 25, 2007); Rodriguez v. Pataki,
280 F. Supp. 2d           
89
, 95–96 (S.D.N.Y.), aff’d,
293 F. Supp. 2d 302
(S.D.N.Y. 2003);         
Manzi v. DiCarlo,
982 F. Supp. 125, 129
(E.D.N.Y. 1997); Fla. Ass’n       
of Rehab. Facs. v. Fla. Dep’t of Health & Rehab. Servs.,
164 F.R.D.       
257, 266-68
(N.D. Fla. 1995); Corporacion Insular de Seguros,
709         
F. Supp. at 294
.                                                          
privilege represent the better, and controlling, legal rule.”  Kay        
v. City of Rancho Palos Verdes, No. CV 02-03922 MMM RZ,
2003 WL           
25294710
, at *12–14 (C.D. Cal. Oct. 10, 2003).                            
     2.   Applying the Qualified Privilege                           

To  determine  whether  legislative  privilege  will   block         
disclosure, a court must first determine whether the documents or         
testimony at issue lie within the ambit of the privilege.  See            
Puente Arizona v. Arpaio,
314 F.R.D. 664, 670
(D. Ariz. 2016).  In        
other words, is the evidence legislative in nature?  If so, the           
court  balances  the  interests  at  stake  to  determine  whether  an    
exception should be made to the default rule of privilege.  See
id. at 671-72
.  Although the privilege clearly applies here, the          
relevant interests necessitate its breach.                                
          a.   Legitimate Legislative Activity                       
Legislative  immunity  and  privilege  apply  only  to  conduct      

“within the sphere of legitimate legislative activity.”  Romero-          
Barcelo v. Hernandez-Agosto,
75 F.3d 23
, 28–29 (1st Cir. 1996)            
(citation and quotation marks omitted).  Despite being called a           
“legislative”  privilege,  this  protection  can  apply  to   the         
Governor.  “[I]t is the nature of the particular act rather than          
the title of the office which governs[.]”  Acevedo–Cordero,
958           
F.2d at 21
.  See Bogan v. Scott-Harris,
523 U.S. 44, 55
(1998).8          

8 Because the interests here require that the privilege give         
way,  it  is  unnecessary  to  address  whether  state  legislative       
Here, Plaintiffs seek documents and testimony regarding the          
internal planning and development of the RhodeWorks legislation,          
with  the  goal  of  proving  that  the  Governor,  who  proposed         

RhodeWorks, and the Speaker and Representative, who guided its            
passage  and  sponsored   the  legislation,  had   discriminatory         
intentions.  See Gov.’s Mot. Ex. B; Spkr.’s Mot. Ex. B; Rep.’s            
Mot. Ex. B; see generally Compl.  These pieces of evidence deal           
with quintessential legislative activities, see Citizens Union of         
New  York,
269  F.  Supp.  3d  at  160
(citations  omitted),  and       
Plaintiffs wisely do not argue that the information at issue falls        
outside of the sphere of legitimate legislative activity.  See            
generally Pls.’ Opp’n.  Nevertheless, they contend that disclosure        
is warranted.  See
id.
b.   Balancing Test                                        
Without Supreme Court guidance, lower courts have been tasked        

with determining when “important federal interests” tip the scale.        
See Gillock,
445 U.S. at 373
.  This inquiry involves “balanc[ing]         
the extent to which the production of the disputed evidence would         


privilege properly applies to documents in the possession of third        
parties  such  as  CDM  Smith.    Compare  Michigan  State  A.  Philip    
Randolph Inst.,
2018 WL 1465767
, at *7 (“communications between           
legislators or their staff and any third party are not protected”)        
with Bethune-Hill v. Virginia State Bd. of Elections,
114 F. Supp.        
3d 323, 338-39
(E.D. Va. 2015) (question whether privilege applies        
to communications with third parties should be “addressed within          
the qualified balancing analysis rather than with any kind of ‘per        
se’ rule”).                                                               
have  a  chilling  effect  on  the  [state  official]  against  those     
factors  favoring  disclosure.”    McDonough,  No.  2:15-CV-153-JDL,
2015 WL 12683663
, at *2 (quoting ACORN (N.Y. Ass’n of Comty. Orgs.        

for Reform Now) v. County of Nassau, No. CV 05-2301(JFB)(WDW),
2007 WL 2815810
, at *2 (E.D.N.Y. Sept. 25, 2007)).  To strike the         
proper  balance,  courts  most  often  weigh  the  five  factors  from    
Rodriguez,
280 F. Supp. 2d at 89
:                                         
(i) the relevance of the evidence sought to be protected;            
(ii)  the   availability  of  other   evidence;  (iii)   the         
‘seriousness’ of the litigation and the issues involved; (iv)        
the role of the government in the litigation; and (v) the            
possibility of future timidity by government employees who           
will be forced to recognize that their secrets are violable.
Id. at 100-01
(citation and quotation omitted).9                          

               i.   Relevance                                        
The best evidence of legislative intent comes from the text          
of the statute.  Wine & Spirits Retailers, Inc. v. Rhode Island,
481 F.3d 1, 13
(1st Cir. 2007);  see also John Does 1-4 v. Snyder,        

9 See, e.g., Michigan State A. Philip Randolph Inst.,
2018 WL        
1465767
, at *5; Citizens Union of City of New York,
269 F. Supp.          
3d at 155
; Nashville Student Organizing Comm. v. Hargett,
123 F.          
Supp. 3d 967
, 969–70 (M.D. Tenn. 2015); Jackson Mun. Airport Auth.        
v. Bryant, No. 3:16-CV-246-CWR-FKB,
2017 WL 6520967
, at *6 (S.D.          
Miss. Dec. 19, 2017); Bethune-Hill, 114 F. Supp. 3d at 337–38;            
Veasey v. Perry, No. 2:13-CV-193,
2014 WL 1340077
, at *2 (S.D.            
Tex. Apr. 3, 2014); Perry,
2014 WL 106927
, at *2; Favors, 285             
F.R.D. at 209–210; Page v. Viriginia State Bd. Of Elections,
15 F.        
Supp. 3d 657, 666
(E.D. Va. 2014); Comm. for a Fair & Balanced Map,
2011 WL 4837508
, at *7; ACORN (N.Y. Ass’n of Comty. Orgs. For             
Reform Now) v. County of Nassau, No. 05CV2301 (JFB) (WDW),
2009 WL        
2923435
, at *2 (E.D.N.Y. Sept. 10, 2009).
932 F. Supp. 2d 803, 810
(E.D. Mich. 2013) (citation omitted)             
(“[C]ourts are wary of considering the almost always cacophonous          
comments  of individual legislators in  determining   legislative         
intent.”).10  Nonetheless, “circumstantial evidence of an allegedly       

discriminatory  purpose”  is  relevant  in  dormant Commerce  Clause      
cases if the party offering it “show[s] the relationship between          
the proffered evidence and the challenged statute.”  Alliance of          
Auto. Mfrs. v. Gwadosky,
430 F.3d 30, 39
(1st Cir. 2005); see             
Bacchus Imports, Ltd. v. Dias,
468 U.S. 263, 270
(1984) (citations        
omitted) (“A finding that state legislation constitutes ‘economic         
protectionism’ may be made on the basis of either discriminatory          
purpose . . . or discriminatory effect[.]”).11  Thus, if Plaintiffs       


10  Moreover,  “there  is  some  reason  to  question  whether  a    
showing of discriminatory purpose alone will invariably suffice to        
support a finding of constitutional invalidity under the dormant          
Commerce Clause.”  Alliance of Auto Mfs. v. Gwadosky,
430 F.3d 30
,        
36 n.3 (1st Cir. 2005) (citation omitted).  This consideration,           
however, speaks more to the weight of the potential evidence than         
to its relevance.                                                         

11 As the State notes, Apel v. Murphy,
70 F.R.D. 651
(D.R.I.         
1976), arguably conflicts with this principle.  See Gov.’s Mot.           
26-28.  The plaintiffs, who alleged that a statute violated the           
dormant Commerce Clause case, sought discovery for the purpose of         
showing invidious intent on the part of individual legislators.           
See Apel,
70 F.R.D. at 654
.  This Court refused, stating that “[i]t       
serves no purpose . . . for the plaintiffs to prove that officials        
and  legislators  also  had  in  mind  an  illegitimate  reason  for      
desiring the enactment of said laws.”
Id. at 655
.  Nonetheless,          
as Plaintiffs point out, this holding is inconsistent with more           
recent Supreme Court and First Circuit precedent.  See Pl. Aug.           
17, 2020 Letter Br. 2-3 n.3,4, ECF No. 95 (citing Bacchus Imports,
468 U.S. at 270
, and Alliance of Auto. Mfrs.,
430 F.3d at 37
).            
can show a sufficient link between evidence of legislative intent         
obtained  through  these  subpoenas  and  the  resulting  RhodeWorks      
legislation – a high bar to meet - the evidence will be relevant.         

In its attempt to render irrelevant any such evidence, the           
State cites to cases in which legislative intent was held to be           
immaterial.  See United States v. O’Brien,
391 U.S. 367
, 382–83           
(1968) (“the purpose of Congress . . . is not a basis for declaring       
this legislation unconstitutional” on First Amendment grounds);           
South Carolina Educ. Ass’n. v. Campbell,
883 F.2d 1251, 1259
(4th         
Cir. 1989) (holding breach of privilege to be impermissible in            
First  Amendment   inquiry,  and  distinguishing   constitutional         
inquiries  in  which  “Courts  have  expressly  deemed  [motive]  a       
substantive element”).  These cases do not control here because,          
as stated, the Supreme Court has held that intent is relevant to          
the dormant Commerce Clause.                                              

Of  course,  the  mere  possibility  of  relevance  is  clearly      
insufficient  to  overcome   the  state  legislative   privilege.         
Instead, the party seeking discovery must point to a “chain of            
events or objective evidence from the outset supporting invidious         
intent behind the legislative action.”  Miles-Un-Ltd., Inc.,
917          
F. Supp. at 100
(citing Village of Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at         
267–68).    Otherwise,  discovery  inquiries  into  the  motives  of      
individual legislators amount to “fishing expedition[s] into non-         
public information[.]”  Citizens Union of City of New York,
269 F.        
Supp. 3d at 141
.  Here, based on the public statements of the             
individual  movants,  the  discovery  requests  are  not  fishing         
expeditions; rather, they are legitimate attempts to fully examine        

and  contextualize  what  appear  to  be  patent  statements  of          
discriminatory intent.                                                    
Moreover,  Plaintiffs  do  not  allege  that  the  individual        
movants simply voted for or signed the RhodeWorks bill.  Rather,          
they contend that the Governor spearheaded the drafting of the            
legislation, and that the Governor, Speaker, and Representative           
shepherded its passage with the assistance of CDM Smith’s report.         
See Compl. ¶¶ 5, 71, 80, 85, 87, 91, 93, 99.  Common sense dictates       
that the intent of such individuals has greater relevance than            
that of other legislative actors.  See Circle Import-Export Co. v.        
United States,
320 F. Supp. 1400, 1404
(Cust. Ct. 1970) (“intent          
of the drafters of the legislation is of great significance”);            

Marathon Oil Co. v. State, Dep’t of Nat. Res.,
254 P.3d 1078, 1082
(Alaska  2011)  (quotation  marks  and  citation  omitted)  (“We          
interpret statutes . . . taking into account . . . the intent of          
the  drafters”);  cf.  Alliance  of  Auto.  Mfrs.,
430  F.3d  at  39
(citation  omitted)  (“statements   by  a  law’s   private-sector         
proponents sometimes can shed light on its purpose”); Davidson v.         
Sandstrom,
83  P.3d  648,  657
(Colo.  2004)  (quotation  marks  and    
citation  omitted)  (“history  of  an  amendment’s  drafting . . .        
provides important insight into the electorate’s understanding of         
the amendment”).12  Thus, Plaintiffs have articulated a plausible         
theory  of  how  discriminatory  intent  on  the  part  of  individual    
legislative actors may have infected the legislative body at a            

greater scale.  This factor weighs strongly towards disclosure.           
               ii.  Availability of Other Evidence                   
Where non-privileged evidence could easily take the place of         
privileged  evidence,  a  bid  for  discovery  is  weakened.    See       
Rodriguez,
280 F. Supp. 2d at 100-01
.  Without further clues as to        
contents  of  potential  disclosures,  though,  this  factor  is  not     
particularly instructive.  Plaintiffs already have the individual         
movants’ public comments regarding their interest in placing the          
tolling burden on out-of-staters, which this Court is inclined to         
admit absent testimony from the movants.  See July 20, 2020 Order         
8-12,  ECF   No.  72  (provisionally   dispensing  with   hearsay         
objections).  To the extent that documents and testimony would            

simply  reiterate  the   motivations  expressed  in  the   public         
statements,  these  hypothetical  pieces  of  evidence  might  be         
cumulative.    But  the  public  statements  are  presented  without      
context.  See Compl. ¶¶ 80, 87.  Isolated quotes in newspapers,           

12 These considerations apply equally to the Governor when she       
acts in her legislative capacity.  See, e.g., State v. Rizzo,
303         
Conn.  71,  200
(2011)  (“governor’s  approval  of  legislation  may     
provide evidence of the motivations underlying that legislation”);        
Perez v. Rent-A-Ctr., Inc.,
186 N.J. 188, 215
(2006) (quotation           
marks and citation omitted) (“action of the governor upon a bill          
may be considered in determining legislative intent”); State v.           
Reis,
183 Wash. 2d 197, 213
(2015) (same).                                
presumably  taken  from  longer  statements  or  conversations,  have     
inherently limited import.  Thus, given the lack of legislative           
history,  the  requested  discovery  could  help  to  illuminate  the     

public  statements,  either  to  the  benefit  or  the  detriment  of     
Plaintiffs’  case.    See  Nashville  Student  Organizing  Comm.  v.      
Hargett,
123 F. Supp. 3d 967, 971
(M.D. Tenn. 2015) (“[G]iven the         
dearth  of   available  documentary  evidence   outside  of   the         
legislative history, additional relevant information may come from        
the legislators themselves.”).                                            
Plaintiffs  also  have  access  to  CDM  Smith’s  report  on  the    
potential impacts of the legislation.  Presumably the basis for           
some or all of the above-mentioned public statements, this report         
contains the estimates that 60 percent of the RhodeWorks burden           
would fall on out-of-staters, and that absent the toll caps, only         
55 percent would be borne by visitors to the Ocean State.  See            

Compl. ¶ 85 (citing CDM Smith, Truck Traffic Count Summary Report         
1-4 (Oct. 2015)).  Discovery may provide either helpful context or        
cumulative material.  This factor does not clearly point in either        
direction.                                                                
               iii. Seriousness of the Litigation                    
The “Commerce Clause . . . furthers strong federal interests         
in preventing economic Balkanization.”  Bacchus Imports,
468 U.S.         
at 276
(citation omitted).  The State admits as much.  See Gov.’s         
Mot. 35.  This “overwhelming federal interest” is arguably “as            
much a core attribute of the national government as the list of           
important state interests are attributes of state sovereignty.”           
Harper v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n of W.VA.,
396 F.3d 348
, 356 (4th Cir.         

2005).  Thus, the importance of the litigation provides moderate          
support for breaching the privilege.13                                    
               iv.  Role of the Government                           
“When the role of the legislators in the unlawful conduct is         
‘direct,’  the  fourth  factor  weighs  in  favor  of  disclosure.”       
Citizens Union of City of New York,
269 F. Supp. 3d at 169
(citation      
omitted).    The  State  argues  that  the  roles  of  the  Governor,     
Speaker, and Representative, which it describes as simply voting          
for and signing the RhodeWorks legislation, were minimal and weigh        
in favor of applying the privilege.  See Gov.’s Mot. 36-37 (citing        
Citizens Union of New York,
269 F. Supp. 3d at 169
(“merely voting        
for a law or signing a bill does not render [an official’s] role          

‘direct’”)).    This  argument  regurgitates  the  State’s  relevance     
argument:  the  intent  of  an  individual  legislative  actor  is        
irrelevant to the intent of the legislature as a whole.  But here,        

13 Admittedly, most civil cases in which state legislative           
privilege has been set aside have involved allegations of racial          
gerrymandering  or  race-based  disenfranchisement.    See,  e.g.,        
Nashville Student Organizing Comm. v. Hargett,
123 F. Supp. 3d            
967, 972
(M.D. Tenn. 2015).  These allegations strike at the core         
constitutional tenet against invidious racial classifications, and        
“threaten[] to deprive . . . the electorate of the power of their         
vote to act as a check on legislators.”  Citizens Union of City of        
New  York,
269  F.  Supp.  3d  at  168
.    Dormant  Commerce  Clause     
violations do not implicate this sort of malignancy.                      
Plaintiffs allege that the movants played outsized roles in the           
development and passage of RhodeWorks.  See Compl. ¶¶ 5, 71, 80,          
87, 91, 93, 99.  The Court finds that their public statements             

emphasizing the burden placed on out-of-state truckers make their         
roles more “direct” than simply voting for or signing the bill.           
This factor favors Plaintiffs’ argument against privilege.                
               v.   Possibility of Future Timidity                   
Any disclosure of non-public legislative materials runs the          
risk of generating legislative fear of clear communication and            
distracting officials from their duties.  See Eastland v. United          
States Servicemen’s Fund,
421 U.S. 491, 502
(1975); In re Hubbard,
803 F.3d 1298, 1310
(11th Cir. 2015).  But see Benford v. Am.             
Broad. Companies, Inc.,
98 F.R.D. 42, 46
(D. Md. 1983) (privilege         
was  “not  designed  to  encourage  confidences  by   maintaining         
secrecy[,] for the legislative process in a democracy has only a          

limited  toleration  for  secrecy”)  (quoting  In  re  Grand  Jury        
Investigation,  Etc.,
587  F.2d  589,  596-97
(3d  Cir.  1978).         
“[O]fficials seldom, if ever, announce that they are pursuing a           
course of action because of an invidious discriminatory intent            
. . . .”    Nashville  Student  Organizing  Comm.,
123  F.  Supp.  3d    
at 970
.  Normally cautious to avoid such statements in public,            
legislators may be assisted by the freedom to communicate candidly        
while in private.  Here, however, the movants clearly were not            
concerned with shielding their intentions from prying eyes; in            
fact,  they  publicly  emphasized  their  desire  to  burden  out-of-     
staters.  Thus, this factor lends only abstract support to the            
State.                                                                    
               vi.  Balancing the Factors                            

In sum, three factors support Plaintiffs’ position, and one          
arguably  (but  weakly)  favors  the  State.    Most  notably,  the       
relevance of the discovery sought is potentially significant, and         
the circumstances do not indicate a significant risk of future            
timidity.  The Court therefore concludes that this is one of the          
extraordinary circumstances in which the privilege must yield, at         
least for the purposes of discovery.  Of course, determinations           
regarding trial admissibility are left for later, when the details        
of the disputed evidence will be known.14                                 
B.   Deliberative Process Privilege                                  
The  State  next  argues  that  the  subpoenas  issued  to  the      

Governor and CDM Smith should be quashed based on the deliberative        
process privilege.  See Gov.’s Mot. 5; CDM Mot. 6.  Similar to the        

14  Some  courts  have  held  that  state  legislative  privilege    
provides no bar against discovery because “legislative privilege          
is  ‘one  of  non-evidentiary  use  [of  legislative  acts  against  a    
legislator], not one of non-disclosure.’”  E.E.O.C. v. Washington         
Suburban Sanitary Comm’n,
666 F. Supp. 2d 526, 532
(D. Md. 2009)          
(quoting In re Grand Jury,
821 F.2d at 958
).  This approach is            
clearly in the minority.  See In re Hubbard,
803 F.3d 1298, 1310
(11th  Cir.  2015)  (“privilege  extends  to  discovery  requests”);      
E.E.O.C. v. Washington Suburban Sanitary Comm’n,
631 F.3d 174, 181
(4th Cir. 2011) (same).  Nonetheless, the relevant interests at           
trial differ from than those during discovery and could potentially       
yield a different outcome.                                                
legislative privilege, “[t]he deliberative process privilege rests        
on the obvious realization that officials will not communicate            
candidly among themselves if each remark is a potential item of           

discovery and front page news, and its object is to enhance the           
quality of agency decisions . . . by protecting open and frank            
discussion among those who make them within the Government.”  Dep’t       
of Interior v. Klamath Water Users Protective Ass’n,
532 U.S. 1
,          
8–9  (2001)  (citations  omitted).    This  privilege  protects  only     
executive branch officials, and therefore is inapplicable to the          
Speaker and Representative.  See N. L. R. B. v. Sears, Roebuck &          
Co.,
421 U.S. 132, 150
(1975).                                            
“[T]o  qualify  for  the  privilege,  a  document  must  be          
(1) predecisional, that is, antecedent to the adoption of agency          
policy, and (2) deliberative, that is, actually related to the            
process by which policies are formulated.”  Texaco Puerto Rico,           

Inc. v. Dep’t of Consumer Affairs,
60 F.3d 867, 884
(1st Cir. 1995)       
(citation and quotation omitted).  The State argues convincingly          
that  all  information  sought  in  these  subpoenas  is  necessarily     
predecisional, as the entire purpose of this line of discovery is         
to ascertain the intent that led to the passage of RhodeWorks.            
See generally Gov.’s Mot. 8-13.  Any post-decisional materials            
would fall outside the scope of the discovery requests.                   
The State may hit a snag, however, with the requirement that         
documents be deliberative.  A document is deliberative if it “(i)         
formed an essential link in a specified consultative process,  (ii)       
reflect[s] the personal opinions of the writer rather than the            
policy of the agency, and (iii) if released, would inaccurately           

reflect  or  prematurely  disclose  the  views  of  the  agency.”         
Providence Journal Co. v. U.S. Dep’t of Army,
981 F.2d 552, 559
(1st Cir. 1992) (citation and quotation omitted).  Purely factual         
documents,  “segregable  factual  portions”  of  documents,  and  any     
documents that would not inaccurately reflect the views of the            
Governor’s office would not be covered.  See id.; Bethune-Hill v.         
Virginia State Bd. of Elections,
114 F. Supp. 3d 323, 335-39
(E.D.        
Va. 2015).  Without more information regarding the documents held         
by the Governor and CDM Smith, it is impossible to know if all            
responsive documents are deliberative.                                    
This lack of information is immaterial, however, because the         
privilege should nevertheless be overcome.  Documents that are            

predecisional and deliberative are not given blanket protection;          
rather, the court has discretion to block access to them.  See            
Texaco Puerto Rico, Inc.,
60 F.3d at 885
.  “[A]n inquiring court          
should  consider,  among  other  things,  the  interests  of  the         
litigants, society’s interest in the accuracy and integrity of            
factfinding,  and  the  public’s  interest  in  honest,  effective        
government.”
Id.
This determination is quite similar to the             
legislative privilege inquiry.  See Bethune-Hill,
114 F. Supp. 3d         
at  338
.    In  fact,  the  five-factor  test  analyzed  above  was       
originally  borrowed  from  the  deliberative  process  test.    See      
Rodriguez,
280 F. Supp. 2d at 101
(quoting In re Franklin Nat’l           
Bank Secs. Litig.,
478 F. Supp. 577, 583
(E.D.N.Y. 1979)).  The           

documents at issue are the same, the factors are similar, and the         
goals of the doctrines are similar.  Thus, the deliberative process       
privilege  rises,   and  in   this  case  falls,   on  the   same         
considerations.15  See In re Subpoena Duces Tecum Served on Off.          
of Comptroller of Currency,
145 F.3d 1422, 1424
(D.C. Cir. 1998),         
on  reh’g  in  part,
156  F.3d  1279
(D.C.  Cir.  1998)  (“If  the      
plaintiff’s cause of action is directed at the government’s intent,       
.  .  .  it  makes  no  sense  to  permit  the  government  to  use  the  
privilege as a shield.”); Velazquez v. City of Chicopee,
226 F.R.D.       
31, 34
(D. Mass. 2004) (“where the decision-making process itself         
is the subject of the litigation, it is inappropriate to allow the        
deliberative process privilege to preclude discovery of relevant          

information” (citation and quotations omitted)).                          
C.   Undue Burden                                                    
Lastly, the State contends that compliance with the subpoenas        
would  place  an  undue  burden  on  the  Governor,  Speaker,  and        
Representative.    See  Gov.’s  Mot.  39  (citing  Fed.  R.  Civ.  P.     
45(d)(3)(A)(iv));  Spkr.’s  Mot.  33;  Rep.’s  Mot.  33.    A  “party     


15 Again, due to this conclusion, there is no need to address        
whether and to what extent the privilege applies to documents held        
by CDM Smith.  See supra note 8.                                          
withholding discovery on the grounds of burden . . . bears the            
burden of proving the discovery is in fact . . . unduly burdensome        
and/or expensive.”  Citizens Union of City of New York,
269 F.            

Supp. 3d at 139
.                                                          
Regarding the subpoenas for deposition testimony, the State          
notes  that  “the  practice  of  calling  high  ranking  government       
officials as witnesses should be discouraged.”  Bogan v. City of          
Bos.,
489 F.3d 417, 423
(1st Cir. 2007) (citing United States v.          
Morgan,
313 U.S. 409, 422
(1941)).16  However, “[d]epositions of          
high ranking officials may be permitted where the official has            
first-hand knowledge related to the claim being litigated [and]           
other persons cannot provide the necessary information.”  Bogan,
489 F.3d at 423
(citations omitted).  Here, the relevant subject          
matter is the intentions of the individual movants and the ways in        
which those intentions may have influenced the drafting and passage       

of RhodeWorks.  See Gov.’s Mot. Ex. B; Spkr.’s Mot. Ex. B; Rep.’s         
Mot. Ex. B.  These individuals clearly have first-hand knowledge          
that cannot be fully supplied from anyone else.  Thus, the Governor       
and Speaker’s status as high ranking officials cannot alone create        
an undue burden.                                                          


16 The State maintains that the Governor and Speaker require         
greater protection as high ranking officials; it does not make            
this argument regarding the Representative.  See Gov.’s Mot. 40;          
Spkr.’s Mot. 33.                                                          
The State rightly notes that the individual movants and their        
staffers  are  busy  dealing  with  matters  of  public  importance,      
including the coronavirus pandemic and its economic fallout.  See         

Gov.’s Mot. 41-42; Spkr.’s Mot. 35-36; Rep.’s Mot. 35.  For this          
reason, the Court will carefully monitor and strictly enforce its         
directions that the depositions must be narrowly focused on the           
context of the public statements, the CDM Smith report, and any           
other documents obtained by Plaintiffs and specifically related to        
RhodeWorks and tied to the deponents and their offices.  The usual        
seven-hour time limit is likely far more than is needed.  See Fed.        
R. Civ. P. 26(d).                                                         
As for document production, the State contends that certain          
documents within the scope of the subpoenas are available from            
RIDOT, a party to this litigation.  See Gov.’s Mot. 41; Spkr.’s           
Mot. 35; Rep.’s Mot. 34.  Indeed, documents should be obtained            

from RIDOT in the first instance.  For any such documents, the            
movants may withhold production and direct Plaintiffs to obtain           
the documents from RIDOT.                                                 
Beyond these specific and reasonable objections, the State’s         
assertions of undue burden are conclusory and largely dependent on        
its privilege arguments.  See Gov.’s Mot. 39-42; Spkr.’s Mot. 33-         
36;  Rep.’s  Mot.   33-35.    Thus,   the  State  has  failed  to  show  that 
compliance  with  the  subpoenas  will  impose  an  undue  burden. 
III.  Conclusion 
 For  the  reasons  stated  herein,  the  Motions  to  Quash  subpoenas 
duces  tecum  and  subpoenas  for  deposition  testimony,  ECF  Nos.   85, 
87,  89,  and  120,  are  DENIED.!?’ 

IT  IS  SO  ORDERED. 

William  E.  Smith 
District  Judge 
Date:   October  23,  2020 

 17  In  the  CDM  Smith  Motion  to  Quash,  the  State  requests  that, 
if   its   motion   is   denied,   the   Court   issue   a   certificate   of 
appealability  pursuant  to
28  U.S.C.  §1292
(b).    See  CDM  Mot.   15. 
Additionally,   the   State   indicates   that   if   the   motions   of   the 
Governor,   Speaker,   and  Representative  are  denied,   they  will  make 
equivalent   requests.     Td.   at   15   n.l.     Due   to   the   significant 
overlap  between  the  four  Motions  to  Quash,   the  Court  will  defer 
addressing  the  question  of  a  certificate  of  appealability  for  the 
CDM  Smith  Motion  until  receiving  the  State’s  forthcoming  motion 
regarding  the  Governor,  Speaker,  and  Representative. 
                                 32

Case Information

Court
D.R.I.
Decision Date
October 23, 2020
Status
Precedential